Fact: America, ‘Israel,’ **and Iran** colluded with each other to perpetuate the Iraq War
You wouldn’t remember this if you believe that Oceania was always at war with Eastasia.
And so, the current narrative psyop would like you to believe that Iran is a “genuine” enemy of the U.S.-Zionist empirical sewer, and that all opposition to Khomeinist Iran is tantamount to an endorsement of Zionist criminality and brutal regime change, and therefore one must support Iran to be on the good side. Simple as that, right?
Yeah… no. Far from it. Let’s spin the dialed focus back about 20 years—yes, to the Iraq War. Here is the trillion-dollar question you probably didn’t consider thinking about: what was Iran doing in the Iraq War?
Opposing the American occupation, you might assume? Building up the Axis of Resistance against Zionist imperialism? Bleeding out the CPA? Living up their glorious promise of helping those poor Saddam-persecuted Iraqi Shi’ites at long last? Maybe just avoiding any provocation that exacerbated the nonstop crisis?
No. In actual fact, Iran was DIRECTLY FACILITATING the American CPA occupational reduction of Iraq into a sectarian civil war to build an ordo ab chao—“order out of chaos.”
I already explained the larger picture in this post—read this one first:
Now, to continue and refine my analysis, because my Sep. 4, 2025 posting could definitely use some tweaked improvisation (come to realize, after additional digging and source compilation): it is very well-documented that the U.S. and Iran were both playing a “double” game of simultaneously relying on one another to secure the tightrope all the while trying to poke each other off the tightrope both were walking a fine line upon.
Is this a fringe theory? Alas, no. (“sorry”: it turns out your fantasy about the Iranian government as pure anti-Zionist resistance saviors is just that—a fantasy, just as is the fantasy assumption of the nazijews and Hamas as “opposed” to each other)
Here is the undeniable core fact of the matter: the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), as the military-intelligence structural embodiment of Iran’s security umbrella, created the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and its paramilitary wing, the Badr Corps (a.k.a. Badr Brigade), to accomplish the exportation of Khomeini’s “Islamic Revolution” (in actual fact, neither Islamic nor a revolution, just as the “Syrian Revolution” against Assad was neither Syrian nor a revolution) into Iraq, concurrent to an overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi Ba’ath Party. That same SCIRI-Badr proxy network, created and wholly owned by Iran, was not only tolerated, but directly supported by the U.S. State Department, Central Intelligence Agency, and British MI6 services.1 Just as the CIA-MI6-Moschutzstaffelad agenda propped up the Muslim Brotherhood, al-Qaeda, Taliban, and ISIS to accomplish their agenda from the nominally “Sunni” side of the Arab-Islamic world in order to destroy the Nasserite movement in Egypt and later the Syrian Ba’ath Party, so too they channeled and cultivated the SCIRI-Badr and Islamic Dawa Party (a.k.a. the “Call of Islam” un-Islamic sectarian cult) in Iraq to accomplish their agenda from the nominally “Shi’a” side and undermine the Iraqi Ba’ath Party.
Did Iran and/or its unleashed sectarian, barely-Shi’ite, Khomeinist SCIRI-Badr monsters in Iraq confront and resist the Israelis during the 2000s in the midst of the Iraq War? The answer is, of course: no, just as Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) likewise could not be bothered to fight the Israelis at all because they were too busy serving their Zionist-Masonic masters reducing the Islamic world into artificially manufactured sectarian/identitarian-reduced exponentiated infighting between Sunni vs. Shi’a.
Now, let’s consider and bring into remembrance Iran’s geopolitical calculus in the Iraq War. On one hand, Iran’s principal goal was the deployment of the SCIRI (renamed the “Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq” a.k.a. “ISCI” in 2007, just as the Badr Brigade renamed themselves the Badr Organization to superficially—very laughably so—rebrand themselves into a supposedly demilitarized orientation) and Badr Brigade for the purpose of installing “stability”: a cohesively unified Iranian bridge to the new “Iraqi” government dependably and reliably catering to Iran’s geopolitical whims and functioning as a broker of deconfliction agreements with the Anglo-American imperial Zionist controllers. And yet, simultaneously, Iran was also funding the anti-Khomeinist and anti-Badr Jaysh al-Mahdi (a.k.a. the Mahdi Army), headed by a rival politically theocratic Shi’ite movement at complete odds with Iran’s stability-oriented goals, and which stood undoubtedly of rabidly militant opposition to not only the American occupation but also posed headaches for Iranian-Badr coordination.
You must understand now that the mainstream Western narrative completely cherry-picks the record of Iranian activities in the Iraq War: they might sometimes, for instance, selectively reference the Iranian financial and logistical aid to the anti-CPA Mahdi Army, but fails to describe the far more blatantly overt Iranian agenda of using the SCIRI-Badr network in collusion with the U.S. State Department and CIA, so as to portray Iran as “genuinely” opposing the American occupation. Such a portrayal is nothing short of disingenuous misrepresentation by omission.
How do we explain this two-pronged, seemingly contradictory Iranian calculus? The answer is very simple: Iran’s military-intelligence script under the command of Qasem Soleimani considered its primary, non-negotiable, absolute short-term goal to be the deployment of Tehran-trained SCIRI and Badr Brigade members into the Iraqi Ministry of Interior (MOI), then overseen under the supervision of the American CPA occupation headed by Paul Bremer. This was manifested into reality—Bremer’s CPA secured the imperial anointment of Iran’s SCIRI-Badr toadies into the MOI.
On the other hand, the Iranian MOIS/IRGC military-intelligence calculus viewed the Sadrist movement—led by Muqtada al-Sadr, and whose members were generally within the orbit of para-“quietist” cleric Ali al-Sistani—as a potentially severe liability to co-opt and contain, rather than as an asset.2 This was because the Sadrist faction in Iraq, which favored Iraqi nationalism as opposed to Khomeinist anti-nationalist pan-“Shi’ite” hegemony, deeply reviled their SCIRI-Badr counterparts as traitors against the Iraqi Shi’ite population for not only supporting Iran in the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War, but also for their duplicitous treatment of Iraq’s Shi’ite population as expendable human shields and sacrificial goats (a.k.a. sacrigoating) in the failed uprisings against Saddam Hussein in 1991 and ’98. (naturally, the tension spilled over into militia brawls between the Badr Organization and JAM during the Iraq War3)
The Badr-entrenched al-Hakim family—whose scion Abdul Aziz openly colluded with the U.S. in the Iraq War and was pictured meeting Zionist-Masonic war criminal George W. Bush—were reviled by the Iraqi Sadrists led by Muqtada al-Sadr, and regarded as colluding with not only the United States, but also the Israelis. Yes, there were legitimate and very real suspicions during the Iraq that Iran’s SCIRI-Badr foremost proxies were in cahoots with the Nazi Jews—such was the visceral exasperation of Muqtada al-Sadr’s representative in Sadr City, Muhammad Fartousi, subsequent to the return of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim:4
Hakim does not represent Iraq. He represents outside forces and works with Iran, the US and Israel. We need someone from inside who suffered with Iraqis and represents the people’s voice.
Ironically, despite the outward-facing reputation of Sadr’s Mahdi Army as “sectarian Shi’ite extremists” whereas the SCIRI-Badr were brazenly legitimized by the Anglo-American Zionist imperialists,5 it was actually the SCIRI-Badr nexus that systematically from the top down brutally enforced a deliberately sectarian policy of targeting Iraqi Sunni civilians for indiscriminate interrogative torture and mass murder, a purely despotic and sectarian civil-war-inciting conspiracy jettisoned by the Sadrists—according to Juan Cole in a Jan. 2007 article:6
During the first siege of Fallujah in late March and April of 2004, Muqtada’s Sadrists sent aid convoys to the besieged Sunnis there. In spring of 2005, the Association of Muslim Scholars (hardline Sunni) accused the Shiite Badr Corps paramilitary of having formed anti-Sunni death squads inside the special police commando units of the Ministry of the Interior. This open accusation caused a political crisis between AMS and the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, the Shiite fundamentalist party that sponsors the Badr Corps. It was Muqtada al-Sadr who engaged in shuttle diplomacy to calm the two parties down. He could play this role because he had credibility with both sides.
From his side, Muqtada makes a distinction between ‘Sunnis’ on the one hand, and ‘Saddamis’ and ‘Nawasib’ on the other. (Nawasib are those Sunnis who have a violent hatred for the Shiites and the family of the Prophet, and nowadays in Iraq ‘al-Qaeda’ would be such a group in Muqtada’s eyes.)
It was also noted elsewhere:7
SCIRI played a complex and often violent game remaining simultaneously inside and outside Iraqi politics. It allied with some smaller parties to form the United Iraqi Alliance, which won the most votes in the December 2005 legislative election. Once the government was formed, a significant portion of the membership of the Badr Brigades went into the police and Interior Ministry. The remainder of the organization was rebranded as the Badr Organization for Reconstruction and Development, but this was a cosmetic change as they did not fully disarm. Once in government, SCIRI was alleged to operate death squads from within the Interior Ministry. There were also persistent rumors that the Badr Organization operated death squads against Sunnis, including the infamous Wolf Brigade, which has been accused of torture and reprisals against ex-Baathists, Sunni clerics, and Palestinians living in Iraq. The return of the Badr forces to Iraq, and the appointment of SCIRI official Bayan Jaber to the Interior Ministry in 2005, appeared to confirm to Sunni insurgents that Shiite forces were determined to control the government while conducting a dirty war of murder and expulsion against them. The behavior of SCIRI and the Badr Brigades also infuriated the Sadrists, who distrusted them for fighting on the side of Iran during the Iran-Iraq war and believed them to be puppets of the United States, Iran, and even Israel.
Soleimani therefore, as a shrewdly Machiavellian-Faustian and average unprincipled intelligence operator as any Zionist/salafi-jihadist stooge, played a double game of appearing to support both the pro-CPA/pro-occupation SCIRI-Badr managerial proxy stooges, in addition to the anti-CPA/anti-occupation JAM, for two separate reasons: he needed to continue channeling the already-dependable utility of the SCIRI-Badr nexus for securing Iranian pan-“Shi’ite” hegemony (deliberately in the process alienating Iraqi Sunnis and contributing to the creation of AQI that only justified increasing Badr grips from the Iraqi MOI to relentlessly persecute Iraqi Sunni civilians by falsely equivocating them en masse to AQI in a self-fulfilling prophecy—by perpetuating the AQI crisis, Soleimani was serving the exact same agenda as the CIA, MI6, and Mossad, because Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was conveniently liquidating the very dissenters in Iraq who most potently anti-Zionist8), and simultaneously infiltrate and hijack the Mahdi Army a.k.a. JAM to steer it into an increasingly controlled-opposition trajectory that would no longer pose too severe of a “destabilizing” threat to Iran’s goal of a long-term Khomeinized Baghdad under Tehran’s orbit.
The SCIRI and Badr Organization, in a nutshell, are the anointed imperial bridge that—to this very day! (as of typing)—operates as the dual vassal of both the Anglo-American-Israeli “pro-Zionist” side of the fence to the Iranian “anti-Zionist” side of that very same fence, accomplishing both sides’ purposes within Iraq. Take careful note that neither the Saddamist Iraqi Ba’ath nor the Sadrists approve of any alliance with the Israelis whatsoever, and in stark contrast, the SCIRI-Badr-Dawa dominated post-Saddam, CPA/Iranian-heralded “Iraqi” government normalized de facto economic trade with the nazijewish Fourth Reich a.k.a. “State of Israel” cir. the late 2000s, by which point the Moschutzstaffelad already cemented a clear-cut policy of sharing intelligence on Iraq to the Anglo-American CPA occupiers who used that information to strengthen the Iranian-deployed SCIRI/Badr proxies.9 “As it happened,” noted one-time U.S. ambassador to Croatia Peter W. Galbraith:10
…both the Americans and the Iranians wanted to strengthen Iraq’s central government. While the Bush administration clung to the mirage of a single Iraqi people, Tehran worked to give its proxies, the pro-Iranian Iraqis it supported-by then established as the government of Iraq-as much power as possible. (Thanks to Kurdish obstinacy, neither the United States nor Iran succeeded in its goal, but even now both countries want to see the central government strengthened.)
A war-torn Iraq, reduced into a protectorate of the United States, Britain, Nazi-Israel, and Iran, overrun with an irreversibly scarred trauma of state-mandated sectarian division, Zionist/Iranian-heralded AQI-ISIS threats, sold out as expendable human shields and sacrificial goats by everyone (except Syria)?
It’s no wonder even many of Iraq’s Shi’ites (cf.) miss Saddam Hussein.1112
Mark Curtis (2010), “Secret Affairs: Britain’s Collusion with Radical Islam,” pp. 232-34.
Nader Uskowi (Nov. 9, 2018), “Temperature Rising: Iran’s Revolutionary Guards and Wars in the Middle East,” ch. iv, pp. 52-54.
Cynthia A. Watson (Dec. 30, 2007), “Nation-Building and Stability Operations: A Reference Handbook,” pp. 110-11.
Patrick Cockburn (2008), “Muqtada al-Sadr and the Fall of Iraq,” p. 166.
Apr. 8, 2008, “Badr Corps Activities in Iraq,” Iraq After the Surge: What Next? pp. 349-50.
Juan Cole (Jan. 4, 2007), “Muqtada Al Sadr And Sunnis Mickey Kaus,” Informed Consent.
Michael J. Boyle (Apr. 15, 2014), “Violence After War: Explaining Instability in Post-Conflict States,” p. 280.
Kurt Nimmo (Nov. 10, 2005), “Zarqawi Flubs and Kills Israel’s Enemies,” Signs of the Times.
Simona Mazzeo (Oct. 28, 2025), “Did Israel support the Iraq War? Strategic interests and calculations,” Brussels Morning.
Peter W. Galbraith (Nov. 17, 2008), “Unintended Consequences: How War in Iraq Strengthened America’s Enemies,” ch. iii.
Stephen Farrell (Apr. 9, 2004), “Oppressed Shias say life was better under Saddam,” The Times.
Mohammed Abbas (Oct. 11, 2008), “War-weary Saddam victims miss his iron rule,” Reuters.